14 January 1999: Open Letter to Whitehouse, from Jaap Marais, HNP: SA's Best Leader: Verwoerd or Mandela?

Verwoerd : Last South African President @ Facebook

An excellent Straight Talk Express Letter from Jaap Marais, Leader of HNP, to the White House, chock and block full of facts and evidence.

This is a picture of the country which under Verwoerd had the second highest economic growth rate in the world (7,9% per year), an average inflation rate of 2 per cent, was accommodating new labour in the formal sector at 73,6 per cent per year, and enabled the living standards of Blacks in the industrial sector to rise at 5,3 per cent per year as against those of Whites at 3,9 per cent per year. The Financial Mail published a special survey entitled "The fabulous years: 1961-66". And as the previously mentioned Jan Botha wrote, Verwoerd "had launched the greatest programme of socio-economic upliftment for the non-Whites that South Africa had ever seen".

This, Verwoerd achieved in the face of fierce diplomatic and economic opposition from the United States, Britain, Soviet Russia and others. Mandela, on the other hand, has the blessing and support of these powers, yet under his hand the country is disintegrating and has sunk to a state of lawlessness, joblessness and futurelessness unprecedented in South African history. Yet, Mandela is not struggling to emulate Verwoerd, but to denigrate him and his people.

Herstigte Nationale Party @ Facebook

Followed by The Mandela Legend: Facts vs. Fiction; by Historian and Deputy Leader of the HNP Dr Pieter Möller:

The truth is that Mandela was not imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was merely an opponent of apartheid. He was there because he planned to overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it. In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom, het admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street bomb during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many more.

Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects. It would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu), “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and ”The Madonna of the Left” the local and international media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum. Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.

Open Letter from Jaap Marais, Leader of the HNP, to the Whitehouse

OPEN LETTER 14 January 1999

The President of the USA
The White House
Fax: 091 202 456 2883
WASHINGTON, DC

Mr President

In South African newspapers you are reported to have said in a speech at the White House that the present South African President, Nelson Mandela, had taught you not to hate your political enemies. Mandela is said to have told you that he harboured no grudge against his enemies who "cast him into jail". And you, in the speech concerned, said that your (present) crisis could be compared to Mandela's suffering in jail.

You seem to be under some misapprehension about the circumstances of Mandela's incarceration and the crimes for which he was sentenced to imprisonment, otherwise you may not be desirous to identify with him. And you evidently have been given a distorted idea of how the African National Congress (ANC) under direction of its leader, Nelson Mandela, is vengeantly acting against their political enemies and opponents.

Your remark about Mandela's having been "cast into jail" creates a wrong impression. Mr President, he was not "cast into jail": he was charged for acts of sabotage and sentenced to life imprisonment by the Judge President of the then Transvaal Division of the South African Supreme Court after a protacted hearing in which he had had representation and every opportunity to defend himself. He, however, refused to take the oath and testify, and could consequently not be taken under cross-examination. Finding him guilty, the Judge said that he had been wrongly charged for acts of sabotage instead of for treason, in which case the sentence would not have been imprisonment but the death penalty. The trial was attended by journalists, jurists and others from all over the world. None could find fault with the proceedings and the findings of the Court.

“The sentences pronounced by Judge De Wet at the close of the Rivonia trial are both wise and just.... The men found guilty had planned sabotage on a wide scale and had conspired for armed revolution. As the judge pointed out yesterday, the crime of which they were found guilty was really high treason. The death penalty would have been justified.” -- Liberal Rand Daily Mail

Even The Rand Daily Mail, the most outspoken liberal newspaper at the time in South Africa, and in many ways a supporter of Mandela and the ANC, wrote about the sentences passed by the judge, “The sentences pronounced by Judge De Wet at the close of the Rivonia trial are both wise and just. The law is best served when there is firmness tinged with mercy, and this was the case yesterday. The sentences could not have been less severe than those imposed. The men found guilty had planned sabotage on a wide scale and had conspired for armed revolution. As the judge pointed out yesterday, the crime of which they were found guilty was really high treason. The death penalty would have been justified.”

These are the facts of history. Sentencing Mandela to imprisonment instead of letting him be hanged was an act of mercy on the part of his political enemies. Mandela has, therefore, every reason to be grateful and not the least reason to harbour a grudge against them. He owes his life to them. You will agree that this puts a completely different complexion on your statement that "he was cast into jail".

This is by no means all of which Mandela should be grateful for. In the time of PW Botha's prime ministership in the 'eighties Mandela was moved from the Robben Island prison to the Pollsmoor prison near Cape Town, where he received VIP treatment. PW Botha was in this way making the first instalments in Mandela's release on the pretext that he would not wish "an old man to die in prison".

From Pollsmoor prison Mandela was moved to the residence of a senior officer on the staff of the Prisons Department in the town of Paarl in the Western Cape. There he had every convenience at his disposal to play a political rôle, including the use of a fax machine. And he was attended to day and night by a white policeman.

After a carefully orchestrated campaign inside and outside South Africa he was released by the FW de Klerk government to a stage-managed reception in Cape Town, receiving prime coverage from the South African Broadcasting Corporation and providing him with a launching pad for political initiatives. Thereafter the De Klerk government in a treasonable series of acts started peace negotiations with the ANC and moved on to draw up a new constitution on the basis of one man, one vote in an undivided South Africa, which in essence meant surrendering to the ANC and enabling Mandela to become the president of South Africa.

The essence of this political move was spelt out by Paul Johnson, well-known British intellectual, in The Spectator in April 1994. "South Africa under F W de Klerk", he said, "Made a suicidal leap to universal suffrage". He predicted that within ten years the country could be the theatre of Africa's endless civil wars. "In any case it would become an industrial rubble heap, beastly, bloody and bankrupt (...) There is not the slightest hope that it (South Africa) will continue to exist on a system of universal suffrage - it is one of the most divided societies on earth: racially, ethnically, linguistically, as well as economically".

This is De Klerk's achievement. You may recall that you at one stage telephoned him and told him that you "marvelled" at what he was achieving in pushing South Africa along this disastrous course.

Some ten months later (February 1995) The Spectator published another article on South Africa in which its readers were told, "A country ravaged by crime and corruption, with plummeting standards and a people condemned to a sordid and brutal life". The article describes the ANC government as "corrupt and incompetent". This is Nelson Mandela's government.

What is revealing is that while De Klerk was treacherously steering the country towards this national misery, newspapers reported: "Britain fights fervently for FW in UN debate". And later: "Brits full of praise for FW as architect of peaceful change". And eventually: "Brits bear De Klerk, their hero, on their hands". Only an Afrikaner who is a traitor to his own people would be regarded by Brits as their hero. And De Klerk became the hero of Brits by letting loose the man who, according to Judge De Wet, should have been hanged for high treason.

You may sense the degree of loathing on the part of Afrikaners like myself, who had a father who fought, was wounded and kept a prisoner-of-war on St Helena Island by the British for more than two years while they devastated the country and caused the death of over 22 000 children under the age of 16 years and who, a few generations thereafter sees De Klerk being treated as a hero by Brits for having "irreversibly" destroyed White South Africa (as in foolish vanity he said his aim was).

As Mr Tony Blair, Prime Minister of Britain, said in January 1998 that the British "never forget the past even when addressing the future", so we naturally also do not forget the past - also the recent past when the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP) had their headquarters in London from where with British moral and other support they conducted their terrorism against South Africa.

In the period September 1984 to August 1989 no fewer than 1770 schools were destroyed or extensively damaged, as were 7187 private homes of Blacks, 10318 buses, 152 trains, 12188 private vehicles, 1265 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 health clinics. And, what is even worse, there were 300 cold-blooded murders by the barbarous necklace method and 372 deaths of people trapped in homes set alight by terrorist gangs.

“In the period September 1984 to August 1989 no fewer than 1770 schools were destroyed or extensively damaged, as were 7187 private homes of Blacks, 10318 buses, 152 trains, 12188 private vehicles, 1265 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 health clinics. And, what is even worse, there were 300 cold-blooded murders by the barbarous necklace method and 372 deaths of people trapped in homes set alight by terrorist gangs.”

These were the means employed in "the struggle" to bring to power, under Mandela, a Communist-controlled organisation, which Peter Younghusband, in the London Daily Mail in November 1994, described as follows, "The ANC never was worth much as a liberation movement - and apart from a few random urban terrorist acts, its military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, was equally worth little as a fighting force (...) the ANC very conveniently sat in exile waiting for the world to bring the White regime to its knees". And, he said, Mandela is unable to run the country, and he and the ANC is steadily reducing South Africa to yet another Third World plodder.

It is one thing to say that Mandela bears his political enemies no grudge, but it is another thing to judge him by what he does, by what he allows, and by what he neglects to do.

To consider this one must see it in its historical perspective. When Mandela and his Communist cohorts at their Rivonia hide-out were planning bloody revolution in the early 'sixties, the Afrikaner Nationalist Government (ANG) was under the leadership of Dr HF Verwoerd. And it was under the direction of Dr Verwoerd that this Communist conspiracy to violently overthrow the South African government was stamped out, Mandela and his collaborators landing in jail and the organisation of the Communist Party of South Africa being destroyed shortly thereafter through the efficient action of the security police in infiltrating the Communist cells.

Verwoerd frustrated and humiliatingly defeated Mandela's plans. And for Mandela there is consequently one political enemy not to be forgiven for saving South Africa from a bloody Communist revolution. That is Hendrik Verwoerd. He and his ghost are haunting those who are destroying the results of his unequalled successful statecraft.

Verwoerd was not only the man under whose direction a Communist-led revolution was prevented. He also became the towering South African statesman of this century, and he was equal, if not superior, to any of his contemporaries in the Western World, a statement that may be evaluated on the ground of his achievements in the face of international enmity from the Anglo-American block, the Communist block and the Afro-Asian block.

He not only secured South Africa's survival against this many-sided onslaught: he, more-over lifted the country to a level of stability, well-being and prosperity seldom, if ever equalled in history anywhere under similar circumstances.

To support this remark let me call opponents and enemies of Verwoerd to testify in this regard. Jan Botha, an outspoken liberal, in his book, Verwoerd is dead, refers to "the threats from the United Nations and the arms boycott by the United States and Britain". Then he writes:

"By the time he died, Dr Verwoerd had built his own monument which was there for all to see: the Republic of South Africa. The White people had been forged together in unity, the country was militarily strong and resilient, the police and security forces were effectively dealing with all attempts at subversion and infiltration, the country's economy was dynamic, expanding and had become largely self-sufficient.

"... in the history of South Africa his name will live for ever as the leader who, when his country was threatened with internal disorders and with economic sanctions, boycotts and open aggression from overseas, stood as a symbol of defiance, and the will and determination to survive".

He not only frustrated the objectives of the great power blocks, but he also defeated the ANC's plans to create internal disorder.

That Jan Botha's was not a lone voice, can be shown by quotations from other sources. Paul Barrow in The Statist shortly before Verwoerd was assassinated on 6 September 1966 by the Communist Tsafendas wrote, "At the rate at which South Africa is now expanding, the term 'miracle' is likely to be appropriate to its development in the next few years".

And on 31 July 1966 the unofficial mouthpiece of the South African liberal establishment The Rand Daily Mail, wrote:

"At the age of nearly 65 Dr Verwoerd has reached the peak of a remarkable career. No other South African prime minister has ever been in such a powerful position in the country. He is at the head of a massive majority after a resounding victory at the polls. The nation is suffering from a surfeit of prosperity and he can command almost unlimited funds for all that he needs at present in the way of military defence. He can claim that South Africa is a shining example of peace in a troubled continent, if only because overwhelming domestic power can always command peace. Finally, as if that were not enough, he can face the session with the knowledge that, short of an unthinkable show of force by people whom South Africans are rapidly being taught to regard as their enemies, he can snap his fingers at the United Nations. Thanks to the recent judgment of the Hague Court he can afford to condescend to the world body, graciously remaining a member as long as it suits him".

These are the achievements of the man against whose memory a vendetta is being conducted under the direction of Mandela and his comrades. His name was ordered to be removed from the Verwoerd Building, the Verwoerd Dam, the Verwoerd Hospital, and under Mandela's leadership his statue at the Free State provincial headquarters was pulled down in an act bristling with hatred and vengeance.

Of course, Verwoerd as leader of the Afrikaners being a symbol of his people, the attacks on him have been indirect attacks on the Afrikaners themselves, so that Mandela's followers - never rebuked - felt free to shout: "Kill a farmer, kill a Boer", instigating the killing of hundreds of Afrikaner farmers and their families, 431 in 1997 and 104 from 1 January to 31 August 1998 in 590 attacks. In the Mau-Mau uprising in Kenya in the 'sixties only 39 White farmers were killed and in the terrorist war against Rhodesia only 300 were killed in the course of 14 years. Among those who have had as their battle cry "Kill a farmer, Kill a Boer" is Peter Mokaba, promoted by Mandela to Deputy Minister. Other appointments of identified Communists as Ministers and Deputy Ministers tell the same story, highlighted by the appointment of the Communist Mboweni as President of the SA Reserve Bank in a move to further impoverish Afrikaners in the name of "affirmative action". These are ways in which Mandela has been allowing his grudge against the Afrikaners, as his political enemies, to be exploited, while he goes around pretending that he has no grievance against his enemies.

Even more unmistakable are his appointments to the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the way in which this commission has conducted its business. It was packed by him with enemies and opponents of the former government. The two Afrikaners, De Jager and Malan, who were included among the 15 other, were in different ways opponents of the previous government. However, De Jager resigned in disappointment, if not disgust, and Malan eventually showed his dissension from the majority by writing a minority report on the Commission's findings.

This commission appointed by Mandela has little to do with truth and nothing with reconciliation. It is a hybridization between the Nuremberg trials of German war leaders and Stalin's Moscow Show Trials of the nineteen thirties. Its prime objective was to place Afrikaners on the bench of the accused to be prosecuted, tried and convicted by their enemies, and to treat the ANC terrorists on a completely different basis, which resulted in some amazing events.

In flagrant violation of the provisions of the relevant act it, for example, granted amnesty to a bunch of 37 top level ANC leaders for crimes associated with political motives, without specifying the various acts, which is in conflict with the requirements of the law. In this group there are among others, Thabo Mbeki, Leader of the ANC, Minister of Foreign Affairs Nzo, Minister of Justice Omar and Minister of Defence Modise. Although this decision has been nullified by a judicial verdict, nothing has been done to rectify the situation.

In such cases, the Commission's concern was not seeking and revealing the truth, but suppressing and stifling it - a procedure that would not have been countenanced when it concerned Afrikaners of the Security services who fought against the terrorists. They were paraded as criminals who individually under severe pressure had to confess in detail for whatever amnesty was asked for.

In these various ways Mandela created outlets for his grudges against the Afrikaners -- the very people whose representatives saved him from the gallows and later gave him all the help to become the President of South Africa.

Against this background it is dismaying to read that this man has every reason to hate his enemies, yet does not think of retribution! And while allowing a vendetta to be conducted against the Afrikaners, he is presiding over the decay of this country, which the Afrikaners wrestled from the wilderness, fought wars for against imperial powers and, under Dr Verwoerd, was developing into the industrial giant of Africa.

Where under Verwoerd, "the nation was suffering from a surfeit of prosperity", and South Africa "was a shining example of peace on a troubled continent", under Mandela the nation is suffering from a surfeit of poverty and the country has become the crime capital of the world - 137 reported rapes, 63 murders, 73 attempted murders, 176 robberies, 670 housebreakings and 35 highjackings on an average every day of the year. It is common cause that a government that cannot secure the lives and properties of its civilians is unfit to rule.

"South Africa", read a newspaper report on 29 November 1998, "occupies the first or second spot in all forms of crime on the world list for crime, and it is the young people and the homeless who pay the price". Of the thousands who passed the matric examinations in 1998 less than one in 10 will get a job in the formal sector. In the four years of ANC government the national debt more than doubled - from R194 billion ($34 billion) In 1994 to over R400 billion ($70 billion) presently, the interest on which accounts for 21 per cent of the budget.

In the same period the South African rand lost 80 per cent of its value. And in the first ten months of 1998 more than 2,8 million man-days were lost to a wave of industrial strikes.

“[Verwoerd] had launched the greatest programme of socio-economic upliftment for the non-Whites that South Africa had ever seen.” -- Verwoerd is Dead, by Liberal Jan Botha

This is a picture of the country which under Verwoerd had the second highest economic growth rate in the world (7,9% per year), an average inflation rate of 2 per cent, was accommodating new labour in the formal sector at 73,6 per cent per year, and enabled the living standards of Blacks in the industrial sector to rise at 5,3 per cent per year as against those of Whites at 3,9 per cent per year. The Financial Mail published a special survey entitled "The fabulous years: 1961-66". And as the previously mentioned Jan Botha wrote, Verwoerd "had launched the greatest programme of socio-economic upliftment for the non-Whites that South Africa had ever seen".

This, Verwoerd achieved in the face of fierce diplomatic and economic opposition from the United States, Britain, Soviet Russia and others. Mandela, on the other hand, has the blessing and support of these powers, yet under his hand the country is disintegrating and has sunk to a state of lawlessness, joblessness and futurelessness unprecedented in South African history. Yet, Mandela is not struggling to emulate Verwoerd, but to denigrate him and his people.

Perhaps you will reconsider your emotional identification with Mandela in the light of historical truth.

Yours sincerely

J A MARAIS
LEADER OF THE HNP

» » » » [HNP, via Boerevryheid]

The Mandela Legend: Fact vs. Fiction

by Historian Dr Pieter Möller
Deputy Leader of the Herstigte Nationale Party

Nelson Mandela, founded MK, which was defined as a terrorist organisation by the US government and by Amnesty International.

Webster defines a legend as “a story generally of a marvellous character, told respecting a saint”. It has an historical background, but is often padded and tainted by fantasy. In Mandela’s case, when the facts are viewed realistically and objectively, any sensible person will no longer see a saint, but a fantasy blown up to something supernatural.

It will become clear that a false image of the so-called beloved Madiba is being presented to the world. He is by no means the peace-loving, gentle daddy he is made out to be, but nothing less than a tyrant. He did not spend 27 years in jail for no reason, as continuously maintained. One example of these untruthful presentations appeared in the London Independent, May 1993: “Nelson Mandela is a noble man ... imprisoned for 27 years for his dedication to the cause of Black majority in South Africa”.

How much of such misrepresentation could be ascribed to naive parrot-talk and how much to deliberate communist propaganda cannot easily be determined. The truth is that he was not imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was merely an opponent of apartheid. He was there because he planned to overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it. In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom, he admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street bomb during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many more.

In spite of this he was built up to an icon and held up as “a man of reconciliation”, as “essentially moderate, a man of special discernment, a courageous freedom fighter”. His international praise singers went as far as comparing him to Moses and George Washington. Topping them all was the American negro, Jesse Jackson, who blasphemously lifted him to the level of Jesus Christ. What is equally dumbfounding is that the post-1966 SA government hardly ever tried to unmask the real Mandela or his share in the Rivonia complot or his close bonds with the ANC/SACP, or to enlighten the public as to the aims of this alliance.



Pre-History of Mandela:

This enormous soviet flag was displayed at ANC mass rallies. Communist leaders such as Joe Slovo were not only present as dignitaries, but later occupied key posts within the ANC government.

Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later) Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the biography published by the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker), near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family. His education started in the local mission school, from where he was sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate. Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated. According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare University as a BA-student, but was expelled for taking part in a protest boycott. In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to escape from an arranged marriage. There Walter Sisulu took him under his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially and encouraged him to join the ANC, which he did in 1943. According to the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his clerkship at the law firm of Lazar Sidelsky. He completed his BA degree at Unisa in 1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he left in 1948. A few years later though he did pass the entrance examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.

In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence. Five years later these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus effectively also of the ANC. Mandela was elected in 1949 to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the Youth League the following year. In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the apartheid policy to civil disobedience. These undermining activities regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended sentences which restricted his freedom of movement. Later, in 1952, he was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy President of the ANC. Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the first full time Secretary-General of the ANC. After the events at Sharpeville on 21 March 1960, the organisation was banned and went underground. Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of the violence option to overthrow the SA government.

“Long live the Cuban Revolution. Long live comrade Fidel Castro” - Nelson Mandela

The current image of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo, founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in SA. In the same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in his book South Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and training facilities for ANC cadres. He also personally underwent military training in Algeria in 1962. Towards the end of that year, thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia. In the same year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five years. In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed for life.

Mandela was married three times and divorced twice. His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker) from which four children were born. From his second marriage with Winnie Madikizela in June 1958 two daughters were born. On his 80th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.


Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle

“With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country.” - Winnie Mandela [ANC's Occult “Struggle” Politics] Necklacing refers to the practice of summary execution carried out by forcing a rubber tire (tyre), filled with gasoline, around a victim's chest and arms, and setting it on fire. The victim may take up to 20 minutes to die, suffering severe burns in the process. The first recorded lethal lynching by necklacing occurred in Uitenhage on 23 March 1985: ANC supporters necklaced a councillor, for being a collaborator. [ANC's Occult “Struggle” Politics]

Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects. It would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu), “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and ”The Madonna of the Left” the local and international media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum. Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.

It is equally not clear where this idea of image building originated. Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental in obtaining Soviet support for South African terrorist movements but later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South Africa. That in itself was not new, because the International Communist Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the organisation to a national revolutionary movement in order to overthrow the White administration. Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950. The USSR was of course also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism in the rest of Southern Africa.

Ironically it was the Western countries like England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years. They also actively participated with the international Communist network in building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save South Africa – the black Messiah to come. This active support of the ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence. How deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London.


Rivonia: a Diabolical Complot to Overthrow the SA Government

This child was a "necklace" murder victim. Take a car tire, some fuel, binding wire to keep the victim cooperative - and a match. The ANC's sole contribution to modern warfare.

Even before the advent of the Republic the enemies of the Whites in South Africa were intensively busy with undermining activities. In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground. When it became known that South Africa would become a republic, the ANC convened the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a national convention, representative of all South Africans, before it became a reality. Should it be denied, a countrywide strike would be staged. This did take place in May 1961 but was effectively squashed by the government. The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation) was established. On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence against government institutions by means of sabotage. On the same day the country was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated progressively in the years to come. During 1963 pamphlets were even distributed amongst Whites. Most of the early acts of sabotage were planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ flat in Johannesburg with Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.

Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and SWAPO, By Paul Trewhela [*Amazon**Kalahari*]

Initially the South African Police were unaware of the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks. Although they managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were. Meanwhile the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts on Radio Freedom from mid-1963. The situation changed overnight when an informant supplied the Johannesburg Security Police with details of the whereabouts of the MK leaders. On 11 July 1963 in broad daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the 28ha farm of Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg, and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight Jews, four blacks and one Indian. Since Mandela was already in jail, Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator. With him and his wife Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested. Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed to skip the country. The SACP moved its underground headquarters from Lilliesleaf to London.

Thanks to more information gained the police were able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few weeks later. This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an arms factory as well. A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View, Pretoria.

These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye (“come back”) in detail – the master plan for subverting the South African government. The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela was the chief conspirator. Some of Mandela’s diaries were found, containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his struggle against White rule in South Africa. In addition a large collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.

The accused first appeared in court on 9 October 1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963. The accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple, Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. To save his own skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats. Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils, Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled the country before they could be accused.

The accused faced charges of sabotage, including deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid of foreign armies. Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines and large quantities of hand grenades, pipe, petrol and bottle bombs. These were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.

Dr Percy Yutar appeared for the state, while Justice Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided. The accused were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ Joffe was the counselling attorney. Although the state identified 270 witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized, nor their revolutionary aims. Amongst the documents were 10 papers in Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups. Further divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground cells.

An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing. Operation Mayibuye was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare. Most probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China, Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution. Both Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of destructive instruments. For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye, was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and the setting of ambushes.

In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with. The attacks would take place mainly in the platteland and to this end the country was divided into four regions. Each region would be invaded by a guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month. On arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join them. It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the SACP. Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under communist rule would be a land of milk and honey.

While the local cadres carried on with their undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be equipped and on standby to invade the country. An interim government were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international labour unions to isolate the Republic. The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye (Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could be finalised successfully within six months, a wave of murder and grand scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the achievement of their aim.

Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions, the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.

Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus avoiding cross examination. Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through leftist channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.

During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die” speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was responsible for the final editing.

On 4 March 1964 the state closed its case and the court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to prepare their case. On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three minutes flat. The final version given later comprised 72 pages. Only Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail, fierce opponent of apartheid, had to agree that “the sentences pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.

This did not conclude the police investigation. Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them Whites.

Although this was a classic case of high treason and punishable under the law of the day by death, the whole world was surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only. To this day it is not known why – no one has ever offered an explanation for this decision. Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.

Church street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called "Mkhonto we sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the Church Street bomb above.

The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified because they were only opposing apartheid, yet Amnesty International declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since he was guilty of sabotage and violence. The South African government did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his stance. He made this prophetic statement: “When they say they are glad Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader in the future – then I say: God forbid.”


Mandela and Communism

One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist, in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to socialism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by the liberals, but only by revolution. He further maintains that studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues: “The Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.” This view was later endorsed by every local communist.

However, not all ANC’s were impressed with Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were “infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the SACP”. How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis, Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the official organ of the American Communist Party. She quotes Brian Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of the SACP is also a member of the ANC.

Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers, Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case, over the future leadership of the ANC. At the Lusaka council held in January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”. This explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and thus never considered for the ANC presidency.

Mandela never made any secret of the close ties between the ANC and the SACP. In his first speech after his release in 1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one of our finest patriots”. Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and co-prisoners on Robben Island his preference for communists clearly showed in his cabinet and other appointments after 10 May 1994. Steve Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel, Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter. Chris Hani declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support of most of his comrades. Hani puts it this way in the International Express, 4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.


Mandela has never Denounced Violence

Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities belies this image. Apart from the communists and Afrikaner-haters which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions, his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Farmer, Kill the Boer fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the Afrikaner. Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous government, reflects his attitude towards the Afrikaner people. No truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the Afrikaner.

It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47. Aida Parker says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if ever played any role in his actions”. As early as 1961 Mandela declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force.” This statement about government action is also not true. Should terrorists, saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves? The government acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted with. Any other government would have done the same.

This child was an ANC landmine victim. Smuggling in thousands of landmines was one of the charges which landed Mandela in prison.

Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be achieved by violence only. In order to mobilise them Mandela himself told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK. This recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela should take full blame for the violence which erupted over South Africa, and persists to this day. The extent of the carnage is illustrated by these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770 schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed. During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the barbarous “necklace” method. The killing and mayhem has never stopped and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies, hijackings and house breaking. Two million crimes are being committed annually of which less than half are ever solved, because the police are incompetent and themselves corrupt.

That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001 by the then Commissioner of Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in South Africa. Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are thriving in South Africa, and that this country has indeed become the crime Mecca of the world. That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich.

After it became known that Mandela was to receive the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his R3,1 million to MK. That is the man who, according to the international media, is an ardent promoter of peace!


The National Party (NP) and Mandela

On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be released, despite the continuing violence in the country. Interesting to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27 wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would settle in the Transkei with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima. Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the NP’s homeland policy. Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the South African Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s release. Mandela also refused that.

In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town. In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South Africa did not allow it. It appears that Mandela knew all about these discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice. Thereafter he was transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee started in 1986. It is reported that the government went as far as to secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile. Even a chef was appointed to cook to his desire. During December 1988 he was transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near the Paarl. Chris Hani, a hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung, believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an appointment when he felt like it.

PW Botha was also eager to free Mandela and invited him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989. Botha was willing to release him the moment he denounced violence. Although Mandela indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans. It would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which led to the founding of MK. Mandela never denounced violence, yet De Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned organisations like the ANC and SACP.

During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the CP of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa will get a communist government. It is unthinkable that the SA government did not take notice. Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other radicals in the ANC/SACP. Thus the NP did everything in its power to present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate. Even the Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any ANC activities which would impair this image. When the Aida Parker Newsletter wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they tried to prevent it, fortunately without success. Naturally the NP also hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.

“So there we have it. Mandela. Blew up a few buildings, went to prison for years, came out and destroyed his country's economy. Quite a record. Ironically, he was probably responsible for more deaths through his disastrous stewardship of the economy than Umkhonto we Sizwe ever managed to knock off during the armed struggle.” -- [Adequacy.org]

We are still enjoying the results of this surrender politics. Not only has the country been destroyed and transformed from a first world country to a third world dump, but the process is unabated. It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution, as planned by the ANC/SACP. As Dr Verwoerd said: God forbid.

Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC regime is corrupt and incompetent. Shortly after the ANC takeover, British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in The Spectator of February 1995: “South Africa is a country afflicted by crime and corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty stricken and carnal existence”. Under a socialist-communist regime Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought! How can such a terrorist be regarded as a hero?


Conclusion

Not only has the deterioration on all levels escalated since 1994, but 30 000 Whites have been murdered, often in the most ghastly manner. The policy of “affirmative action” is the most inhumane discrimination against Whites. The fact that so many Afrikaners have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment, has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually. It is estimated that 10% of Afrikaners have been reduced to beggary in squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that. All the result of the De Klerk treason which put Mandela into power.

Historian and deputy leader of the HNP - Dr Pieter Möller - wrote this biography of Nelson Mandela.

It is ironic that people should clamour to declare 18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk. Now one understands why God revealed in the Bible that there will be difficult times ahead for the Christian, times in which men would rather “not endure sound doctrine; but after their own lusts shall they heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears; and they shall turn away their ears from the truth, and shall be turned unto fable”, when wrong will be right and the lie will be the truth.

Dr Pieter Möller (July 2009).
English translation by Hennie Kasselman

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