Henke Pistorius says Oscar and whites need guns because ANC-regime fails to curb violent crime, & protect whites & white farmers

Henke Pistorius says Oscar and whites need guns because ANC-regime fails to curb violent crime, & protect whites & white farmers



Andrea Muhrrteyn | Jus Sanguinis | 04 March 2013

Oscar Pistorius Father - Henke Pistorius - says his son needed guns to protect himself, because the ANC fail to curb violent crime, particularly against whites and farmers. South Africa's crime rate is among the highest in the world with 15,000 people murdered last year, with an estimated 1,600 (cited by Telegraph) vs over 4,000 (Censorbugbear stats) murders of white farmers since 1990. Telegraph Reporter Ainslin Laing does not mention the numerous reports of Police cooking crime statistics, to pretend that crime has decreased.

Ishmael Mnisi, an ANC spokesman, said Mr Pistorius' comments were "worrying", and that massive crime does not justify citizens owning guns, they should report crime to the police.

Meanwhile the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) has revealed a report that about 932 people died in police custody in South Africa in 2011/12.

Deaths in Police Custody: Apartheid 2.4 per year (1963-1994: 75)
Deaths in Police Custody: ANC SA 2010: 566; 2011: 932

Apartheid: 1963 – 1994: 75 Deaths in 31 Years = 2.4 Deaths per year

Throughout the entire apartheid-era up to 75 people died in police-custody throughout the period between 1963 and 1994. [The South African Police: Manager of Conflict or Party to the Conflict, Dr. Johan Olivier, Center for Study of Violence and Reconciliation; A Crime Against Humanity - Analysing the Repression of the Apartheid State, Edited by Max Coleman, a publication of the Human Rights Committee in South Africa: The Detention Weapon.]

ANC 'Freedumb': 2010: 566 Deaths in 11 months: increase 25,725%

"Political parties yesterday called for a swift investigation into the deaths of 566 people at the hands of police in the current year. The call comes after the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) revealed yesterday that out of this overall national figure, 16 of those killed by police were innocent people. Many of the policemen involved have not even been suspended, let alone charged!" [Parties urge probe into 566 deaths, Canaan Mdletshe, Mhlaba Memela & Sibongile Mashaba, The Sowetan, 23 November 2010: See Zimbabwefication of South Africa: State‟s Strategic Collapse, in Jus Sanguinis Boer Volkstaat 10.31.16 Theses Briefing Paper, submitted to EU Stamvader nations.]

ANC 'Freedumb': 2011: 932 Deaths: increase 38,833%

Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) has revealed a report that about 932 people died in police custody in South Africa in 2011/12. [City Press: Police Stations of Death, 04 March 2013]

Wikileaks Cable: Zimbabwe White farmers wanted US$20 billion compensation to end land dispute

Wikileaks Cable: Zimbabwe White farmers wanted US$20 billion compensation to end land dispute

Although legal issues exist in the recent spate of farm invasions ... the fate of remaining white farms is ultimately a political rather than a legal issue.... Having run out of options, the CFU appears to be setting down a marker in the hopes of future compensation. Prospects of this of course are dubious.

US Amb to Zim James McGhee & Trevor Gifford, Pres of CFU: Commercial Farmer's Union | Zimbabwe Insider & Wikileaks | 24 September 2012

The Commercial Farmers Union was prepared to accept a US$20 billion compensation package to end the land dispute in Zimbabwe which had rocked the country for more than a decade but Agriculture Minister Joseph Made felt that US$1.5 billion was more than enough.

According to a cable released by Wikileaks: Trevor Gifford, president of the Commercial Farmer's Union, requested a meeting with United States ambassador to Zimbabwe, James McGhee on 15 April 2009, just two months after the formation of the inclusive government, to discuss a shift in strategy his organization was adopting regarding seized and threatened commercial farms in Zimbabwe.

Gifford said the CFU now wanted compensation of up to US$20 billion because his organisation felt that by making the issue compensation-based, rather than property-rights based, farmers stood a chance of taking the emotion out of the discussion and finding common ground with President Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF leaders.

FF+ leader Mulder: “Bantu-speakers” no historical land claim to W & NW Cape; ‎'We are all settlers in SA' - DNA scientist

Mulder stirs hornet’s nest in parly debate

2012-02-15 17:13 | CityPress

Freedom Front Plus leader Pieter Mulder gave the hornet’s nest of land ownership a sharp political poke in Parliament.

He suggested that black “Bantu-speaking” people had no historical claim to 40% of the country.

“Africans in particular never in the past lived in the whole of South Africa,” he said during debate in the National Assembly on last week’s state of the nation address.

Mulder’s remarks provoked an angry buzz from ruling party benches, which rose in pitch when he then explained: “There is sufficient proof that there were no Bantu-speaking people in the Western Cape and north western Cape.”

These areas formed 40% of South Africa’s land surface, he told MPs.

Mulder serves in President Jacob Zuma’s Cabinet as deputy agriculture minister.

He was responding to the president’s statement in his address on Thursday, that the willing-buyer willing-seller option had “not been the best way to address” land redistribution.

Mulder said the question of land ownership was an emotional issue that had caused many wars.

In the South African context, Bantu-speaking people had moved down the continent from Africa’s equatorial regions, while Europeans had moved up from the Cape. They had met at the Kei River, in the present-day Eastern Cape.

“There are also differences of opinion about the influence of the Difaqane on land ownership. Read the diaries of the Voortrekkers about what they found when they moved into the interior,” he told MPs.

The Sotho word Difaqane – in Zulu, Mfecane – is the term used by historians for a period of internecine warfare involving various tribal groups in the interior of southern Africa during the early to middle 19th century.

Liberation by --Extermination of White Settlers-- Reconciliation: Eviction of Zimbabwe's Last White Farmers

The end of an era for Zimbabwe's last white farmers?

Despite the introduction of a power-sharing government two years ago, state-backed farm seizures have continued. Colin Freeman meets one of the last white farmers still at work in Zimbabwe.

By Colin Freeman, Chegutu, Daily Telegraph
7:00AM BST 26 Jun 2011

Driving through land his family have tended for half a century, Colin Cloete stops to inspect a harvested tobacco field, rows of green stumps sprouting from a terracotta soil.

As a seasoned professional farmer, he knows the field needs to be reploughed before pests infest the weedy growths left behind. As a tired political campaigner, however, he knows it is no longer worth his while.

"We should be replanting these fields now, but I don't know who is going to benefit from the next harvest," he says, shaking his head. "I will probably do it anyway, but I do wonder whether it's worth it."

The Great Betrayal: The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith; By Ian Douglas Smith [*Amazon*]

After an 11-year struggle in which their ranks have been murdered, beaten, jailed and bankrupted, the last of Zimbabwe's white farmers are finally facing defeat in their efforts to resist President Robert Mugabe's land-grab programme.

Despite the introduction of a power-sharing government two years ago, state-backed farm seizures have continued, and earlier this month, Mr Cloete lost a final appeal at Zimbabwe's Supreme Court to keep his one remaining property.

Next Monday, he will appear before a local magistrate to answer a charge of trespass, for which the only way to avoid jail will be to pack up and start looking for a new house in Harare, an hour's drive away.

With his departure will also go the hopes of some 300 other white farmers - all that remains of a community that was once 4,000 strong - for whom similar legal challenges had offered some last chance of protection, or at least a stay of execution.

War for Economic Freedom: Expropriation without compensation - ANCYL24

War for Economic Freedom: Expropriation without compensation - ANCYL24

Political report by the ANCYL president to the League's 24th national conference

Julius Malema, ANCYL
16 June 2011

POLITICAL REPORT BY PRESIDENT JULIUS MALEMA TO THE 24TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS YOUTH LEAGUE, 16 JUNE 2011, GHALLAGER ESTATES, MIDRAND, June 16 2011

Introduction

1. We welcome all delegates and guests to the 24th National Congress of the African National Congress Youth League. We welcome the ANC Youth League back in Johannesburg, because it was here in Johannesburg, 67 years ago that the ANC Youth League was officially launched by one of the South Africa's most outstanding generations of revolutionary freedom fighters, who today are celebrated the world over. We welcome the ANC Youth League back to Johannesburg, particularly Midrand, because the ANCYouth League 1st National General Council happened here in Midrand to do, then, what the NGCis expected to do in August 2010.

2. The ANC Youth League 24th National Congressis South Africa's biggest Congressand one of the most important political gatherings, not only with regards to numbers, but also politically and ideologically. There is nowhere else in South Africa and the African continent where an autonomous youth formation can assemble more than 5000 delegated youth representing branches, regions and provinces in one meeting to discuss the future of their country, the continent and the world. More than 90% of delegates at this Congress come from branches of the ANC Youth League, all of which have a minimum of 100 members and were able to meet in Branch Congresses and General Meetings to mandate delegates to come to discuss and consolidate the programme towards total economic emancipation of the economically oppressed people of South Africa, Africa and the world.

ANCYL24: The war for economic freedom: Expropriation of Land without Compensation (02:20)

3. We welcome you, proud that the organisation we inherited and which is celebrating its 64th Anniversary is now stronger, more stable and ready to face all organisational, political and ideological battles in the war towards consolidation of political and economic freedom in our lifetime. We address this Congress with our heads held up very high, because we speak on behalf of a powerful, militant, radical and revolutionary youth wing of the ANC, which is unapologetically fighting for the working classand the poor of South Africa, Africa and the world. We address this 24th National Congress with our heads held up very high because we did not betray the mandate you gave us at the 23rd National Congress in April and June 2008.

End is Near for Zimbabwe's Last White Farmers - VOA

End Near for Zimbabwe's Last White Farmers

May 30, 2011
Peta Thornycroft | Harare, VOA News

Zimbabwean farmers attend a meeting of white commercial farmers in capital Harare (2010 file photo)

Zimbabwe's Supreme Court heard a case on behalf of three farmers who claimed the constitution excluded confiscation of their land because they bought their properties after the colonial era ended with independence in 1980.

The Supreme Court did not agree and quickly dismissed their application.

One of the farmers, Colin Cloete, a former president of the Commercial Farmers’ Union at the height of often violent land invasions seven years ago, was one of the applicants.

He, like many of his colleagues, has been arrested, harassed and appeared in court many times, to try to stay on his farm.

Like most surviving white farmers, the cost of going to court to try to fight his eviction has been unaffordable.

Looking back over the long and difficult years, Cloete, now 58, said his struggle to remain on his farm did not make economic sense.

Kiddi Malema Amin's “Kill Boers” and “All Whites are Criminals” demagoguery

[SA Farm Attacks]

“We in the ANC have declared all white farms war-zones… white men, women and children are targets, they are part of the military and paramilitary units and the local police force…” -- BBC Monitoring, July 10 1987 and October 28 1986; Transcript of Radio Freedom broadcast on MK's landmine campaign, October 24 1986; Why we're targeting white farmers - ANC (Transcript of Radio Freedom broadcast on MK's landmine campaign, October 24 1986, BBC Monitoring)

“Killing whites is an action that gives hope to blacks and makes white South Africans used to bleeding… such deaths can be beneficial. When blacks have learnt that a white has died in the violence, that kind of thing comes like the drop of rain after a long drought.” – Oliver Tambo to Trevor Huddlestone, New York Times, 24 Jan 1987; Radical Honesty Amicus in Afriforum v. Malema: Mandela & Fanon’s Black Liberation: Absolute Necessity of Violence on Rotting Corpse of Settler

• Malema has all the makings of a demagogue - TAU SA, Politicsweb, 10 May 2011
  
  
• South Africa youth leader says 'criminal' whites stole land from blacks, Telegraph.UK, 09 May 2011
  
  
• Separating Free Speech From Hate in South Africa, New York Times, 30 April 2011
  
  
• Malema: White people are criminals, IOL, 08 May 2011
  
  
• Threat to TAU-SA Advocate family in Malema case, Pretoria News, 18 April 2011

Why we're targeting white farmers - ANC (Transcript of Radio Freedom broadcast on MK's landmine campaign, October 24 1986, BBC Monitoring)

[SA Farm Attacks] :: [Farm Attack Report] :: [Afriforum v. Malema] :: [African White Refugees]

“We in the ANC have declared all white farms war-zones… white men, women and children are targets, they are part of the military and paramilitary units and the local police force…” -- BBC Monitoring, July 10 1987 and October 28 1986; Transcript of Radio Freedom broadcast on MK's landmine campaign, October 24 1986

“I am the daughter of a former Kwa-Zulu Natal farmer (Farm: Gerizim near Utrecht).. [..]

“While serving time at George Correctional Services Prison, I was daily referred to as a ‘Boer’, such as ‘Jou AWB Boer Hoermeid’. I am not easily insulted by honesty and never insulted whenever I consider there to be more than one interpretation for any statement. If so, I always ask to make sure whether my interpretation is correct or not. I was unclear why they would call me an ‘AWB Boer HoerMeid’. How can a woman with four kids from four different men, three of the kids fathers she is not even sure about, honourably call me a ‘whore’? There is a serious problem with such a persons logical or moral reasoning. In response to my questions as to what they meant by ‘Boer’ they would respond by saying to them it meant ‘White’ or ‘White Settler’. When I said that the only indigenous people to Western Cape were the Koi-San, so Blacks were also Settlers, and asked if Blacks were also ‘Boere/Settlers’; they said no, only whites can be Boere (Settlers). The only people who are non-white whom they refer to as ‘Boere’ are prison guards or police. It struck me that ‘Boere’ represented – to them - someone who demanded they act within certain cultural or legal boundaries.

I was fascinated with some of the underlying subconscious issues related to their antagonism towards ‘Boere’; whether ‘White Settlers’ or ‘Prison Guards/Police’. In Radical Honesty, our definition of ‘freedom’ to us means the ‘freedom’ to choose to be personally responsible for our thoughts, actions and statements. Consequently the more personal responsibility we took, the greater our freedom from supervision by a policeman. In our Radical Honesty community in Virginia, we did not have keys to our homes. Cars were left outside with the keys in the ignition at all times; doors and windows wide open, even when people went on holiday. There was simply no crime, because everyone took personal responsibility for their own conduct. This to us – was the definition and concept of freedom, which was rooted in commitment by every member of our community choosing to take personal responsibility for our behaviour.

In contrast a conversation with most South Africans who admire the ANC or the ‘liberation struggle’, and particularly the ‘freedom charter’ asking them what ‘freedom’ meant to them, returned a response which essentially means ‘freedom from responsibility’. They have no responsibility to abstain from prolific breeding of unwanted children, no responsibility to save their money so they can buy their own house, or to keep a job, so they can pay for their own water bills. They want the right to ‘free water’ ‘free houses’, etc. They want the ‘right’ to breed six children, but to complain about their poverty! Personal Responsibility is absolutely non-existent in their ‘freedom charter’. Whereas Radical Honesty represents the freedom, as the conscious choice to be personally responsible; the ANC’s ‘freedom charter’ represents the total opposite: freedom represents the absence of personal responsibility. I concluded one of the subconscious reasons for their hatred of ‘Boere’ were that Boere (white settlers or Prison guards) restricted their freedom to avoid responsibility and accountability. Freedom to them represents anarchy.” -- Founding Affidavit: Application by Radical Honesty SA to proceed as an Amicus Curiae in Afriforum v. Malema

SA's Road to Zimbabwe Hell: Playing Race & Land Cards for Political Advantage

SA is at risk of retracing Zimbabwe’s bloody path

November 16 2010 at 11:45am
By Donwald Pressly, Business Report

One doesn’t know if one is living in a democracy until an election is held, the governing party changes peacefully and one goes to work the following day seamlessly.

Would a President Julius Malema tolerate losing power in 10 years time, once he had clawed his way into office?

Our ruling elite dance with the Zanu-PF regime. They share with it a liberation struggle mentality. Tolerance of a new party coming to power, especially emerging from the union movement like the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in Zimbabwe, simply is not on the agenda.

Peter Godwin, author of The Fear: The Last Days of Robert Mugabe and also of When the Crocodile Eats the Sun, said this week that he found it inexplicable that the coverage of the carnage and the political intimidation and electoral manipulation on our doorstep was so poorly documented in the South African media.

South African journalists are the most likely to enter Zimbabwe and carry out their work unharmed – unlike other foreign media – yet for some reason, the horror has been largely ignored, apart from the attacks on white farmers.

‘If I go, I will be a Georgian." - Boer Farmer on Emigrating to Georgia

Boer farmers head for new home in Georgia

Facing the threat of land reform, white South Africans are looking to pastures new

Shaun Walker in Moscow,
Independent.UK
Tuesday, 9 November 2010

South Africa and Georgia have little in common aside from a tradition of wine-making and a turbulent recent history. But a group of white South African farmers say starting a new life in the former Soviet state could be the solution to their troubles at home.

South Africa's 40,000 white farmers, mainly Boers – descendants from Dutch settlers – say they fear that South Africa's government is threatening their livelihoods with land-reform policies. When they first came to Africa, the Boer Voortrekkers, or pioneers, left coastal colonies to forge a path to the interior of the country in search of fertile land. Now some of their descendants believe the answer to their problems might lie thousands of miles away in the Caucasus.

In what would be an extraordinary migration, the Georgian government has invited South Africa's farmers to buy up land in the country for next to nothing in exchange for bringing their expertise and knowledge of modern farming methods.

Papuna Davitaya, Georgia's State Minister for Diaspora, said: "We are looking for investors in our agricultural sphere, because Georgia historically always used to be an agricultural country but in Soviet times we lost these traditions."

SA Farm Attacks [www.sa-farm-attacks.co.nr]

‘Zimbabwe style farm invasions may be delayed ... but will definitely happen in SA's future’
-- Lt. Gen. Mojo Matau, Former Chief of Mil. Intel., SANDF

... Then I asked my friend [Lt. Gen. Mojo Matau], this man in the kitchen cabinet of ANC power in the new South Africa, what he thought of Robert Mugabe. At his reply my heart sank. He described Zimbabwe’s President as a hero for what he’s done to white farmers, and a leader who illuminated the path ahead for South Africa. I remonstrated, as I always do, and ended by telling Mojo that I saw myself as an African first, a white second, and that it was my ardent wish to stay on the continent. ‘Your only home,’ countered Mojo, gently taking my hand again, ‘is England.’

.... Mugabe, to say it without beating around the liberal bush, is a hero to many of my black African friends. Most of the people I’m talking about are from the upper middle class, inheritors of the African kingdom after colonialism. According to one Zambian, who is among my very oldest of comrades, ‘Mugabe is Shaka Zulu.’

Mugabe is ‘speaking for black people worldwide,’ writes the South African journalist Harry Mashabela. Regarded as a solid liberal in his long career, and writing in the Helen Suzman Foundation’s September newsletter, Mashabela pointed to the adoration Mugabe won at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg last year:

UK Immig. Judge refers to Zimbabwe Farm Invasions as 'racially motivated' Genocide..

Woman who took part in violent attacks on white farmers in Zimbabwe denied UK asylum

By David Gardner, Daily Mail.UK
Last updated at 7:52 PM on 16th September 2010

Land invasions: A woman who applied for UK asylum admitted she had been involved with gangs who scared white farmers off their properties in Zimbabwe (file photo)

A woman who admitted taking part in savage evictions of white farmers from their homes in Zimbabwe lost her bid for asylum after a High Court judge accused her of ‘crimes against humanity.’

Mr Justice Ouseley threw out the widowed mother-of-two’s appeal to remain in the UK after she confessed to beating up ten people during two land invasions.

The judge said the state-sponsored mob violence, which saw white famers’ land seized and shared out among President Robert Mugabe’s cronies, was akin to genocide.

‘We are satisfied that the two farm invasions were crimes against humanity,’ he said, likening the 39-year-old woman’s role to a concentration camp guard who followed Nazi orders during the Holocaust.

The woman, who cannot be named, came to Britain illegally in 2002 and did not claim asylum until six years later.

Loyal: The woman, who cannot be identified, said her actions were in support of President Robert Mugabe

Her bid for refugee status was rejected on the grounds that her own violent actions in Zimbabwe disqualified her from humanitarian protection in this country.

She admitted to being part of a gang of thugs from Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party who invaded two white-owned farms intent on causing maximum terror and driving away black workers.

The woman, referred to only as ‘SK”, agreed she had beaten up to ten people whilst their homes burned, ‘inflicting enough pain to get them to run away.’

She said that on one occasion, she beat a woman so badly she thought she would die.

However, she insisted she had taken part in the raids under duress to prove her loyalty to Mugabe’s regime and she had never intended to kill anyone.

Mr Justice Ouseley, sitting at the Upper Tribunal Immigration and Asylum Chamber said the farm invasions were ‘part of widespread, systematic attacks’ against white farmers and their black workers, carried out with the full knowledge of the regime ‘as a deliberate act of policy’.

The intention behind the ‘obviously inhumane’ invasions ‘was to cause great suffering or inflict serious physical or mental injury’ on victims and cow them into never returning to their homes or opposing the Mugabe regime, he added.

Farmers at War in Zimbabwe: South African Farmers Under Attack in Zimbabwe

Family appeals to SA govt over land attacks

Written by SW Radio, UK Zimbawean
Friday, 06 August 2010 12:46

Farmer at War, by Trevor Grundy & Bernard Miller [Rhodesia Min of Info] (PDF) [The Farmer at War was published in Rhodesia in 1979 while the Lancaster House talks were in process. It describes the embattled position of the farmers in 1979 and, even more relevant today, concludes that without the farms and farmers there was no future for the country. Includes photos and a Roll of Honour of Farmers and their families killed up to 1979.]

A South African family farming in Zimbabwe has made a desperate appeal to President Jacob Zuma’s government to come to their aid in their bid to fend of attempts by a senior politician to grab their farm.

Philip and Ellen Hapelt from Grasslands Farm in Somabhula have been fighting for several months to hold on to their property, which has caught the eye of parliamentarian Jabulani Mangena.

Mangena has led a campaign of harassment, vandalism and violence against the Hapelts and their workers, claiming he has an offer letter entitling him to the property. Late last year, the Hapelts were brutally beaten by a gang of thugs, in an attack the family believes was meant to drive them from their farm.

The Hapelts many years ago voluntarily gave up the majority of their land for the sake of ‘reform’, under an agreement that would allow them to remain on their homestead with a small portion of farming land. They also have two Court orders that entitle them to live on the farm without fear of invasion or persecution. But Mangena is openly disregarding the courts and has even threatened the Hapelts with more violence if they approach the courts again.

Why a ‘Kaffir-Sussie’ (Nigger Lover) demands Justice for Mr. Eugene Ney Terre'Blanche..

Andrea Muhrrteyn
Why We Are White Refugees

It is a strange schizophrenic twist of fate that the editors and journalists whose propaganda insists that South Africa is a new democracy, thanks to having reconciled and forgiven; continue to spit in the face of 'reconciliation' by refusing to forgive two of South Africa's most hated and unforgiven men: Eugene Terre'Blanche and Robert McBride.

Furthermore barely weeks before Mr. Terre'Blanche's brutal murder over 140 of SA's Academic, Media, Political and Civil Society 'TRC' 'leaders' (sic) stated they had no objections whatsoever to the legal persecution and prosecution of a SA 'Kaffir sissie' activist, who alledges SA's TRC was a PR publicity stunt - Fraud.

Now if 140 of SA's leaders have no objections to the legal persecution and prosecution of a nonviolent white SA farmers daughter activist, formerly married to an African American, whose ideology is a commitment to Radical Honesty; i.e. sincere truth-telling and forgiveness. What do you think are the chances that any of these alleged TRC leaders are going to object to the legal persecution and prosecution of someone they refer to as a 'white supremacist' Mr. Eugene Ney' Terre'Blanche? Zero chance?

None Dare Call it a ‘Kill Farmers’ Cult-Hero Political Conspiracy to Kill Eugene Terre’Blanche?

by Andrea Muhrrteyn
Why We Are White Refugees

In New South Africa, those who act on the ANC’s cultural heritage of ‘Kill Farmers’, are accorded with automatic membership -- prison and street-cred status -- of the 27’s gang. Were the murderers of Eugene Terre’Blanche psychologically and ‘Kill Farmer’ politically motivated to attain ‘Kill farmers’ Cult-Hero Gang Status? The SAPS ‘head office’ expert investigators, have yet to ask themselves that question!

According to David Bullard, the journalist fired by the Sunday Times for being too honest, and upholding one standard; as opposed to the double standards upheld by the politically correct media:

It’s hard to believe that the murder of AWB leader Eugene Terre’Blanche won’t be linked to the infamous “shoot the boer” song. Or that the murder itself, whatever the police may say, isn’t a symbolic declaration of war on whites in this country. It’s probably nothing of the sort but the failure by the ANC to control Julius Malema’s hate speech is bound to suggest that the big wigs in the ruling party have given the thumbs up to a bit of white culling. Why couldn’t they have waited until after the World Cup though?

The Transvaal Agricultural Union expressed a similar opinion:

“Over the last few weeks we have seen how farm murders have drastically increased, how there is currently a discussion going on about the nationalisation of farms, and the arrival of the emotionally charged song “Shoot the Boere”, more debates about nationalisation, and the eventual murder of a well known leader. TAU SA is getting more convinced, on grounds of the evidence streaming in, that the murder of Mr. Terre'Blanche was not a normal criminal act, but a pure political murder, to which quite possibly the goverment could be linked.

“The viciousness and barbarity that is inflicted upon farmers during farm murders, was repeated during the murder of Mr. Terre'Blanche, and is disproportionate to the alleged dispute about a wage disagreement.”

Is SA's race-motivated criminality a 'race war'; the atrocity beginnings of a genocide?

Is SA crime a 'race war'?

Attacks on whites show racial prejudice to be a contributing factor

Rodney Warwick | Cape Argus |
April 05, 2008

Recently an Afrikaans Sunday newspaper published an account of the Pieterse family's trauma nearly two years ago outside Swartruggens in the North-West; an ordeal inflicted by three attackers.

Daleen Pieterse's husband was tortured with a hot kettle, stabbed and finally strangled with shoelaces. She and her 10-year-old son were viciously assaulted with molten plastic; her calf muscle was lacerated, clothes cut off and a knife forced between her legs. Her 3-year-old daughter was threatened with abduction and rape.

As in so many of these crime incidents accompanied by murder, sadism and sexual assault, the assailants were black and the victims white.

As with the Skielik shootings, it is impossible to miss the racial hate component, although such violent white racism is now an exception and mobilises massive media and government condemnation.

But the Pieterse's horror, although mirrored by numerous other occurrences, received just standard press attention, for anti-white "race crime" seldom prompts loud official condemnation.

Transcript: Christiane Amanpour interviews Robert Mugabe

Christian Amanpour & Robert Mugabe: Reconciliation Zimbabwe Style

AMANPOUR: So do you consider white Zimbabweans to be Zimbabweans?

MUGABE: Those who are naturalized and have citizenship, yes.

AMANPOUR: Those who've been living there for years and years and years?

MUGABE: But historically...

AMANPOUR: Right.

MUGABE: ... historically, they have a debt.

AMANPOUR: The people who -- contributing to farming -- historically they have a debt to pay?

MUGABE: Yes, yes, their land. They -- they occupied the land illegally. They seized the land from our people.

AMANPOUR: Look...

MUGABE: And therefore, the process of reform, land reform, involved their handing -- having to hand over the land. We agreed upon this with the British, by the way.

AMANPOUR: Some 80 percent of that land was acquired after you took office, some of the farmland, and with the very certificates that mean government approval. Why are these people being hounded out of the country? Why are they being...

MUGABE: They are not -- they are not being hounded.

AMANPOUR: ... hounded off their land, then?

MUGABE: No, no, no, they're not being hounded out of the country at all.

AMANPOUR: We've just done reports about it.

MUGABE: Those who are in industry and manufacturing and mining are not being...

AMANPOUR: The farmers I'm talking about. Why is that...

MUGABE: ... are not being affected.

AMANPOUR: ... wonderful farmland and why are they being...

MUGABE: What are you talking about? We are getting land from them, and that's all. They're not being hounded out of the country, not at all.

AMANPOUR: They're being hounded off their land.

MUGABE: (inaudible) their land.

AMANPOUR: It's not theirs?

MUGABE: Our -- our land.

AMANPOUR: Even though they bought it, even though they bought it with the certificates of approval from the government?

MUGABE: But haven't you heard of the Lancaster House discussions and the agreement with the British government? Because they are British settlers; originally they have been British settlers. And we agreed at Lancaster House that there would be land reform.

AMANPOUR: But they're citizens. But they're citizens, aren't they? And isn't this farming disaster contributing to your...

MUGABE: Citizens by colonization, seizing land from the original people, indigenous people of the country.

AMANPOUR: But how did that all go so wrong?

MUGABE: You approve of that?

AMANPOUR: How did that all go so wrong? Because when you came in, you -- it was -- it was about reconciliation.

MUGABE: They knew about it. They knew we had this program of land acquisition and land reform. They knew about it.

AMANPOUR: But what about the blacks, then?

MUGABE: And the British knew about it.

SA Farm Attack Report [00]: Table of Contents

Report of the Committee of Enquiry into Farm Attacks, 31 July 2003

• 00: Table of Contents (PDF)
  
• 01: The Appointment of the Committee (PDF)
  
• 02: Incidence and Nature of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 03: Examples of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 04: Case Studies: Direct Attacks (PDF)
  
• 05: Case Studies: Land Invasions (PDF)
  
• 06: Victims of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 07: Perpetrators of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 08: Investigating Officers and Prosecutors (PDF)
  
• 09: Submissions to the Committee (PDF)
  
• 10: Literature Review (PDF)
  
• 11: The Farming Community (PDF)
  
• 12: Crime and Its Causes in South Africa (PDF)
  
• 13: The Criminal Justice System and Farm Protection (PDF)
  
• 14: Comparative Studies (PDF)
  
• 15: Legislation on Land and Land Reform (PDF)
  
• 16: Security on Farms and Smallholdings (PDF)
  
• 17: Trauma and its Treatment (PDF)
  
• 18: Conclusions and Recommendations (PDF)
  
• 19: Summary of the Report (PDF)
  
• 20: Oral and Written Submissions and Bibliography (PDF)

SA Farm Attack Report [01]: The Appointment of the Committee

Report of the Committee of Enquiry into Farm Attacks, 31 July 2003

• 00: Table of Contents (PDF)
  
• 01: The Appointment of the Committee (PDF)
  
• 02: Incidence and Nature of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 03: Examples of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 04: Case Studies: Direct Attacks (PDF)
  
• 05: Case Studies: Land Invasions (PDF)
  
• 06: Victims of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 07: Perpetrators of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 08: Investigating Officers and Prosecutors (PDF)
  
• 09: Submissions to the Committee (PDF)
  
• 10: Literature Review (PDF)
  
• 11: The Farming Community (PDF)
  
• 12: Crime and Its Causes in South Africa (PDF)
  
• 13: The Criminal Justice System and Farm Protection (PDF)
  
• 14: Comparative Studies (PDF)
  
• 15: Legislation on Land and Land Reform (PDF)
  
• 16: Security on Farms and Smallholdings (PDF)
  
• 17: Trauma and its Treatment (PDF)
  
• 18: Conclusions and Recommendations (PDF)
  
• 19: Summary of the Report (PDF)
  
• 20: Oral and Written Submissions and Bibliography (PDF)

SA Farm Attack Report [02]: Incidence and Nature of Farm Attacks

Report of the Committee of Enquiry into Farm Attacks, 31 July 2003

• 00: Table of Contents (PDF)
  
• 01: The Appointment of the Committee (PDF)
  
• 02: Incidence and Nature of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 03: Examples of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 04: Case Studies: Direct Attacks (PDF)
  
• 05: Case Studies: Land Invasions (PDF)
  
• 06: Victims of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 07: Perpetrators of Farm Attacks (PDF)
  
• 08: Investigating Officers and Prosecutors (PDF)
  
• 09: Submissions to the Committee (PDF)
  
• 10: Literature Review (PDF)
  
• 11: The Farming Community (PDF)
  
• 12: Crime and Its Causes in South Africa (PDF)
  
• 13: The Criminal Justice System and Farm Protection (PDF)
  
• 14: Comparative Studies (PDF)
  
• 15: Legislation on Land and Land Reform (PDF)
  
• 16: Security on Farms and Smallholdings (PDF)
  
• 17: Trauma and its Treatment (PDF)
  
• 18: Conclusions and Recommendations (PDF)
  
• 19: Summary of the Report (PDF)
  
• 20: Oral and Written Submissions and Bibliography (PDF)