|05 October 2010|
|President Jacob Zuma |
African National Congress (ANC)
c/o Head of Comm. Ofc. Sec. Gen:
Mr. M. Lekorotsoana
|Minister of Correctional Services|
Ms Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula
c/o Mr. S. Mbananga & Ms. N. Tonga
Tel: (012) 307 2884
|Ms. Helen Zille|
Democratic Alliance (DA)
c/o: Ms. Gaironesa Sonnenberg
|Dr. Pieter Mulder|
Freedom Front Plus
c/o: Dr. Corne Mulder
|Rev Kenneth Raselabe Meshoe|
African Christian Democratic Party
c/o Madeline Watson
|Mr. Mosioa Lekota|
Congress of the People (COPE)
c/o: Mr. Phillip Dexter
|Mr Bantu Holomisa|
United Democratic Movement (UDM)
|Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi|
Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP)
|CC: Clive Derby Lewis & Janusz Walus|
c/o: Attorney Marius Coertze
|CC: Eugene de Kock|
c/o & via: Mr. Hennie Heymans
Dear President Zuma, Ms. Minister & SA Political Party Leaders,
RE: Notice of Radical Honesty SA Liquids Only Hungerstrike Enquiry: Truth and Forgiveness for Eugene de Kock, Clive Derby-Lewis and Januzs Walus: Enquiry Question: How is the State’s systemic conduct towards Eugene de Kock, Clive Derby Lewis; and Januzs Walus, motivated by Truth and Reconciliation? If not, is the State guilty of TRC fraud?
Radical Honesty SA Introduction
My name is Lara Johnstone. I am the only member of the Radical Honesty culture and religion, in South Africa (03 May 2010 Concourt Order of Chief Justice in CCT 23-10 (PDF)). The Radical Honesty culture and religion are founded upon the Truth and Forgiveness Social Contract: Being Specific About Anger and Forgiveness (PDF); as excerpted from: Practicing Radical Honesty (PDF).
Practicing Radical Honesty: [01/03] [02/03] [03/03]
Brad Blanton for Congress: Campaign: Honesty in Politics [CA TV Interview: And Nothing But the Truth: Brad Blanton for Congress & Honesty in Politics]
Radical Honesty culture and religion was founded by Dr. Brad Blanton, who is: (1) President and CEO of Radical Honesty Enterprises Sparrowhawk Book Publishing and The Center for Radical Honesty, both dedicated to promoting honesty in the world; (2) former candidate for Congress in 2004 and 2006, on the platform of ‘Honesty in Politics’; (3) Pope of the Radical Honesty Futilitarian Church; i.e. “Dr. Truth” ; and (4) author of (a) Radical Honesty: How To Transform your Life by Telling the Truth; (b) Practicing Radical Honesty: How to Complete the Past, Stay in the Present and Build a Future with a Little Help from Your Friends, (c) Honest to God: A Change of Heart that Can Change the World, with Neale Donald Walsh (Conversations with God series); (d) Radical Parenting: Seven Steps to a Functional Family in a Dysfunctional World; (e) The Truthtellers: Stories of Success by Radically Honest People and (f) Beyond Good and Evil: The Eternal Split-Second-Sound-Light-Being; (g) Some New Kind of Trailer Trash.
I filed my submission to the TRC on 18 January 1999, wherein I detailed my willingness to donate my entire inheritance to facilitate sincere Truth and Forgiveness.
In addition to Radical Honesty I have been involved in non-violent civil disobedience actions on behalf of my former husband, Greenpeace, Amnesty Int’l, Pacific Inst. for Criminal Justice, Jericho 98, Crack the CIA, The Disclosure Project, New Abolitionist, Justice for Timothy McVeigh, Alliance for Democracy, Boycott 2010 World Cup, Right of Return for African White Refugees, et al. I am 43 years old, have never been on welfare, have used an IUD as contraception since the age of 19, and hence have never been pregnant, nor had an abortion. I have lived an ecological small footprint life; to avoid aggravating overpopulation, resource wars; materialist consumerism and resource depletion.[See PDF for footnotes]
On 25 March 2010, I filed an application (PDF) to the Constitutional Court Chief Justice, as a member of the Radical Honesty Culture and Religion, to proceed as an In Forma Pauperis Amicus Curiae, in the matter of The Citizen v. Robert McBride.
On 03 May 2010, the Chief Justice issued an order (PDF) that “Lara Johnstone: Member Radical Honesty Culture and Religion is admitted as an Amicus Curiae.”
On 18 July 2010, the Radical Honesty SA Amicus Curiae in Support of a Population Policy Common Sense Interpretation of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, was filed (PDF) with the Chief Justices. Two expert witnesses also filed written statements on behalf of the Radical Honesty SA Amicus Curiae: (i) Dr. Brad Blanton on behalf of the Radical Honesty culture and Futilitarian Church (PDF); and (ii) Dr. T. Michael Maher (PDF), Head of Communications at University of S.W. Louisiana, in regards to his study: How and Why Journalists Avoid the Population-Environment Connection (PDF).
Briefly the two main arguments being that:
- Only a sincere and serious specific, clear and unambiguous Truth and Forgiveness Social Contract , or similar, unequivocally understood and practiced by the common man can ever contribute to sincere and serious reconciliation and the reconstruction of any violent and conflict ridden family, community, or society;
- Any legislation or jurisprudence such as the TRC Social Contract, which professes to advocate on behalf of human rights, peace and social justice, while ignoring their ecological basis – a stable human population at slightly less than the eco-systems carrying capacity – is endorsing and practicing legal dishonesty and hypocrisy; i.e. fraud. It is legislation and jurisprudence deliberately indifferent to the laws of sustainability, advocating misery.
The Radical Honesty SA Amicus Curiae was additionally honourably and transparently served upon (i) TRC Commissioners: Desmond Tutu, Alex Borraine and Prof. Gobodo-Madikizela, (ii) Mr. Nelson Mandela, c/o Mr. Jakes Gerwel and Ms. Zelda Le Grange, Nelson Mandela Foundation, and (iii) Mr. F.W. de Klerk, c/o Mr. Dave Steward.
The Constitutional Court Justice’s have not yet ruled on the matter. If no relief is found from the Constitutional Court, I shall be forced to approach other International bodies.
Previous Hunger Strikes for Truth and Disclosure:
In 2000 I went on a hungerstrike on behalf of my then African-American husband, Demian Emile Johnson. My request to the Secretary of the California Dept. of Corrections, was that he authorize the Investigative Services Unit (ISU) to make an impartial enquiry into the Black Guerrilla Family gang-label that my husband had been labelled with, and if he was incorrectly so labelled to remove the label. The ISU made such investigation and the label was found erroneous and removed.
The Disclosure Project: National Press Club: 27 Sep 2010
[Disclosure Project: National Press Club: 9 May 2001]
Disclosure Project - Witness Testimony [01/02] [02/02]
On 28 July 2001 I went on a hungerstrike on behalf of the over 400 military, intelligence and scientist witnesses for the Disclosure Project (www.disclosureproject.org). My request was to President George W. Bush and President Mbeki that the U.S. and other governments: (1) Hold open, comprehensive, secrecy-free hearings to take military/agency witness testimony on events and evidence relating to an Extraterrestrial presence on and around Earth. (2) To hold open hearings on advanced energy and propulsion systems, relating to extraterrestrial phenomena that, when publicly released, will provide solutions to global environmental challenges. (3) To enact legislation which will ban all space-based weapons, and to enact and implement international treaties and legal standards prohibiting the weaponization of space. (4) To enact comprehensive legislation to research, develop and explore space peacefully and cooperatively with all cultures on Earth and in space. For those unaware of the incredible quality of the witness testimony of the Disclosure Project Witnesses, see: (i) 9 May 2001 Disclosure Project at the National Press Club; (ii) Disclosure Project Witnesses Testimony I and II. I ended my hungerstrike on 09 September 2001, for various reasons. I never received any response from President Mbeki, but I did receive a personal response from the White House (Mr. Nicholas Calio, Assistant to the President and Director of Legislative Affairs). I am told that at the time (perhaps still so) I was the first and hence only person on earth, to receive a personal letter of response from the White House, in response to the UFO question. All other UFO enquiry letters to the White House are forwarded to NASA for a form letter response. The White House letter of response to my hungerstrike was sent to me, c/o California Congresswoman Ms. Barbara Lee.
Radical Honesty SA Hungerstrike Enquiry: Truth and Forgiveness for Eugene de Kock, Clive Derby-Lewis and Januzs Walus
Eugene de Kock:
In From One Warrior to Another , Mail & Guardian, January 08, 2010, Mandy Rossouw writes:[Johan van de Merwe, De Kock’s legal advisor] says De Kock asked the Goldstone Commission to halt the investigation into his involvement in the Ngqulunga ambush in the hope that he could receive amnesty later, but he was tried and sentenced before the amnesty hearings started.
"If Eugene de Kock's trial was halted until the conclusion of the negotiations around amnesty, his trial about the Nelspruit incident would have proceeded differently. He would not have been branded as a mass murderer and the court would have, without doubt, given him a lighter sentence if it had all the background presented at the amnesty hearings," writes Van der Merwe.
De Kock received amnesty from the truth commission for most of the other atrocities to which he pleaded guilty. Van der Merwe says the "Nelspruit trial", concluded in 1996, remained the only obstacle.
ANC: VIP's of Violence [01/03]
ANC: VIP's of Violence [02/03]
ANC: VIP's of Violence [03/03]
In The Conflict of the Past: A Factual Review, by General Johan van der Merwe, he reminds us of the facts that are frequently lost sight of regarding the conflict of the past, by politicians when dealing with their slave and cannon fodder foot-soldiers. Consider how those who committed ‘necklace murders’ against totally innocent civilians, were granted amnesty, by politicians tripping over themselves to benefit from Nobel Peace Prize financial and social-status rewards:Where the slightest suspicion existed that someone had given information to the police or cooperated with the police in any way, that person was branded a collaborator and collaborators were burned alive using the most inhuman and barbaric method known as the ‘necklace method’. During the period 1 September 1984 to 31 March 1993, 505 persons, exclusively members of the black community, were burned alive by the necklace method. 36 persons, whom they were able to rescue in time, were severely burnt. During the same period, 710 persons, once again solely members of the black community, were burnt alive while 320 received serious burns. This all but destroyed the ability of the police to obtain information from the black community or to get people to give evidence against members of Umkhonto we Sizwe or other revolutionary organisations. As a result the legal processes available to the police became impotent. Even the declaration of a state of emergency and emergency regulations were not enough to stop the terror. On the 26th of September 1992 the previous Government and the ANC entered into an agreement or so-called “RECORD OF UNDERSTANDING” in terms of which 176 prisoners were released. One of the stipulations of this Agreement determined that:“The two parties agreed that all prisoners whose imprisonment is related to the conflict of the past, and whose release could make a contribution to reconciliation, should be released.”
With the exception of Barend Strydom, the so-called “Wit Wolf”, all of the other prisoners were released at the insistence of the ANC. These included persons who were serving long sentences for “necklace murders”. In so doing, the ANC clearly confirmed that the ‘necklace murder” was indeed a tool of the revolutionary struggle and was carried out to further their aims. The abhorrent deeds committed by some of these prisoners far exceeded anything that Eugene de Kock was involved with.
In Witchcraft and the State in South Africa, German social science researcher, Johannes Harnischfeger details not only the ANC’s population production of cannon fodder ‘breeding war’, but also how many ANC ‘cadres’ embraced what he refers to as ‘occult politics’, i.e. Witchhunt politics:
Witchcraft, Violence, and Democracy in South Africa, by Adam Ashforth [*Amazon*]
In the past the respect of chiefs and elders had been based on their ability to protect the community from internal and external enemies. The young rebels now claimed to play exactly this role by taking up the persecution of witches. (Stadler 1996:88) Maybe their decision was also based on the calculation, that party politics and revolutionary slogans would not be sufficient for mobilizing the population. Witchhunts on the other hand seemed to be a common cause for which one could expect broad-based support. (Niehaus 1993:527)
The report of the governmental commission for example argues: “many of the accusations of witchcraft had nothing to do with witchcraft (...) the revolutionary forces chose witchcraft and ritual killing to destabilise these communities”.... Even when it came to militant action, such as the execution of witches, the adults were urged to participate. Parents of activists for example had to carry rocks, with which the victims were stoned. (Minnaar 1992:24) And young women, who otherwise rarely took part in political operations, were forced to collect firewood. (Delius 1996:198) Some reports tell of young people forced to pour gasoline down their mother’s throats, having to put tires around their necks and set them afire with their own hands. (Delius 1996:197)
Especially evening assemblies girls had to attend as well: “They would come into the house and tell us we should go. They didn't ask your mother they just said ‘come let's go.’ You would just have to go with them. They would threaten you with their belts and ultimately you would think that if you refused, they would beat you. Our parents were afraid of them” (quoted by Delius 1996:189).
All those opposing the wishes of the young men were reminded, that it was every woman’s obligation to give birth to new “soldiers”, in order to replace those warriors killed in the liberation struggle. The idiom of the adolescents referred to these patriotic efforts as “operation production”. Because of exactly this reason it was forbidden for the girls to use contraceptives. (Delius 1996:189; Niehaus 1999:250)
But the attempt to overcome the nightmare of fear, hate and envy was doomed to fail, because the activists did not fight the belief in witches, but the witches themselves.
The reaction by leading ANC politicians, when commenting on the anarchic violence of the youths, was ambivalent. In the beginning of 1990, immediately after the legalization of radical oppositional parties, Winnie Mandela and Chris Hani travelled through the crisis areas in Transvaal and praised the rebels for making the homelands ungovernable. (Minnar 19992:50) The militancy of the young activists opened the ANC functionaries‘ path to power.
In South Africa: The War of Blacks Against Blacks, Time Magazine, Sunday, June 24, 2001, John Greenwald writes:
The most dangerous group is the militant youths known as the “comrades,” who have been responsible for much of the killing in the townships. Ranging in age from about 14 to 22, they are typically poor, uneducated and overflowing with rage. The primary object of their wrath is anyone suspected of collaborating with the government. The victim's “crime” can be trivial or wholly nonexistent. Even payment of rent for government-owned housing can be a capital offense.
So intimidating have the comrades become that in many parts of South Africa they can terrify township residents simply by holding up boxes of matches. When they are not carrying out spontaneous attacks, they may hold kangaroo “people's courts” that are designed to intimidate the public. In a typical court session, young toughs drag the accused forward, inform him or * her of the charges and then pronounce and execute the sentence. The outcome is never in doubt.
In Mbokodo: Inside MK: Mwezi Twala – A Soldiers Story, by Mwezi Twala and Ed Bernard, Mr. Twala – an ardent supporter of Albert Luthuli, but not Oliver Tambo or Nelson Mandela’s ANC -- writes:
People were removed from amongst us -- taken to Quatro or Camp 13 -- and disappeared forever without reason. Many of them were slaughtered by one means or another and their ultimate destination was a shallow grave. We heard rumours of execution by being buried alive, amongst many other techniques beyond civilized imagination. The purge created great fear amongst all of us, to the point where the smallest criticism, such as of badly prepared food, was seriously reconsidered by every individual, for one could never be certain that a 'best friend' would keep his mouth shut. (p.49)
Our own security people became exceedingly arrogant, to the point where an innocent slip of the tongue or even a simple gesture could land you in a torture cell at Quatro. Security men of the lowest rank and intelligence -- fourteen to eighteen year olds -- became our masters, with the power of life or death in their hands. They acted on a mood with impugnity. (p.49-50)
Oliver Tambo visited Pango [Camp] at the height of the terror. The path from the entrance to the admin building was lined -- like a scene from 'Spartacus' -- with men, bloodied and filthy, hanging from trees. When his entourage arrived at admin, where I was officer on duty, Tambo's chief of staff told us that there would be a meeting at 'the stage' (a clearing in the jungle... where we held meetings and discussions). Runners were sent out to notify everyone in the vicinity. On his way to the stage [Oliver Tambo] again passed the men tied to the trees. Being officer on duty, I could not attend the meeting, but my deputy went. After a while I saw guards come up from the stage, release the prisoners and take them to the meeting. There, my deputy told me, instead of objecting to their treatment, as I had hoped, Tambo berated them for their dissident behaviour and appeared to approve when Andrew Masondo declared that on the presidents next visit they would be in shallow graves behind the stage. The prisoners were returned to their trees.. where the president [Oliver Tambo] passed the unfortunate men without a glance on his way out, and they hung there for another three months -- followed by three months hard labour. (p.51-52)
The [Viana] Report pulled no punches, despite its tactful approach. There was general consensus that the ANC in exile had lost focus and there was widespread disenchantment with its leaders. A consultative conference was called for, to elect new leaders who would be charged with getting the ANC back on track. The cadres were floundering in fetid Angolan camps while the leaders were wallowing in luxury in Lusaka. There was very strong evidence that ANC funds were being misappropriated for the personal use of the leaders, many of whom had acquired expensive real estate in foreign countries. An audit of ANC funds was demanded. Corruption was rampant: some ANC leaders were using ANC personnel and facilities to indulge in illegal activities such as drug smuggling, car theft and illicit diamond dealing, while other abused their positions to gain sexual favours from young female cadres. (p.55)
I was one of the more vociferous speakers.... [National Commissar Masondo] convened a meeting in Viana to be very critical of the report. His eyes bored into me like laser beams... He lashed out at me personally and told me that I should take cognisance of the fact that trying to be a 'Lech Walesa' would be to my detriment: if I persisted in rocking the boat I would be crushed. My response was that I was not making trouble for anyone and that the report-back was an honest and truthful statement of the facts as we knew them to be. He angrily retorted: 'You should be very careful, because at times, truth and facts are very destructive and should be avoided.' (p.56)
The death rate grew to horrific proportions, some by suicide but mostly by murder. Others went insane under the constant stress or from everlasting pain. From time to time prisoners were removed from our cells and we forced ourselves to believe that they were being transferred: we preferred to look on the bright side because we could not handle the psychological devasation of facing probable reality.... No-one knows how many people were slaughtered at Quatro and the other camps, not even the ANC leaders. The use of MK names and Quatro names added to the confusion of keeping track of who was dead or alive: I heard one bizarre case where due to a confusion in code names a prisoner being tortured confessed to having murdered himself. Another confessed to murdering cadres who were subsequently found alive. Many of the guards (and prisoners) were young teenagers and were not particularly responsible people. The youngest prisoner at Quatro was a ten year old boy named Inzindlebe... because he was an 'enemy agent'. (p.90)
Real torture, as practised at Quatro by security specialists, was such that the bestial Khmer Rouge of Cambodia could have learnt a thing or two. They could, and did, keep detainees incommunicado for anything up to four years with no access to any kind of reading matter and for no apparent reason, and under no circumstance would a detainee be allowed the comfort of a Bible. One of the most horrendous events involving torture occurred during my sojourn at Quatro, involving one of our cadres who had managed to escape from Viana to a refugee camp in Luanda. This poor wretch had decided to quit the ANC by resigning. He had gone to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to seek protection, which was accorded to him.... Under the eyes of the UNHCR authorities he [and another ANC cadre also wanting to resign] was kidnapped by ANC security and brought to Quatro, where they were sealed in seperate isolation cells. The one who had left Viana Camp underwent mind-blowing torture and questioning for days.. and shortly thereafter thrown bodily into our cell. His Quatro name was Pudi. (p.95)
My first sight of him almost caused me to faint with horror, as it did my cell mates. His head was rotting and the smell was beyond description. One could even smell his head above the normal stench that prevailed in the cells. He had a white burn scar running from what had one been his hairline down to his nose. His eyes were swollen and closed and the only sound squeezing out of his deformed and battered lips was an agonising moaning whimper. His poor body shook as though he had epilepsy. We did our best to comfort him and over a tortuous half-hour he painfully told us that his captors had brought him to Quatro, questioned him, beat him and poured boiling water on his head continuously until he had lost consciousness. When he awakened a few days later, the injury to his scalp had not been treated. Consequently, as we could see, the infection had putrefied into a rotting mess. (p.96)
He told us that the friend who had been kidnapped with him could not walk because the security men had burnt the soles of his feet with red hot coals, and then forced him to stand for lengthy periods. We never found out where the friend was being held in Quatro, so we presumed he must have 'disappeared', as had so many others. (p.96)
Soon the guards became aware that our severely burnt comrade was healing, whereupon they stormed into our cell and dragged him out, took him to one of the nearby trees, made him hold the trunk and thrust him head first into the tree time after time, until his burn wounds again burst open into a terrible mess. He fell unconscious to the ground and in this state was savagely beaten about the head and face with sticks. When the guards were too exhausted to carry on, they dragged his body away, alive or dead I could not say, but he disappeared for good, almost certainly to a shallow grave. (p.97)
Clive Derby Lewis and Januzs Walus
Is it not true that if the Truth and Reconciliation Commission had applied the Norgaard rules contained in its own Amnesty legislation, Clive Derby Lewis and Januzs Walus were text book cases for amnesty, because their target was an elite political candidate? What excuse did the ANC Amnesty Committee find to refuse them Amnesty?
According to The Norgaard Principles, Mail and Guardian, 31 March 1995:The Norgaard principles are named after Carl Aage Norgaard, a Danish national and president of the European Commission on Human Rights, who was asked at the time of the Namibian settlement to frame guidelines defining the concept of a political prisoner.
For a crime to be deemed a political offence, he stipulated the following should to be taken into [consideration]:
- an offender's motive (whether it was personal or political);
- the circumstances in which the offence was committed (whether it was committed during an uprising,
- the nature of the political objective (such as overthrowing a government)
- the object of the offence -- whether it was directed against government agents or property or ordinary citizens) and
- the relationship between the offence and the political objective.
In New Evidence in Hani death plot, Mail and Guardian, 31 January 1997; Stefaans Brummer and Hazel Friedman write:Documents given to the Mail & Guardian point to a conspiracy beyond the right wing.
Secret Military Intelligence reports warning of Chris Hani's impending assassination have raised the startling possibility of a wider plot to kill the popular South African Communist Party leader before the 1994 elections.
The Mail & Guardian is in possession of two documents, at least one which appears certain to have been delivered to the old South African Defence Force's Department of Military Intelligence (MI) before the assassination. Julie Wilken, long-time girlfriend of MI agent Eugene Riley, says in a sworn statement that she typed the documents, which Riley had composed for his MI handlers. She has passed a lie-detector test on the contents of her affidavit. Riley died of a single gunshot wound to his head on January 31 1994. His death remains a mystery.
The documents raise the question why MI, pre-warned, had done nothing to prevent Hani's death. More surprisingly, they claim an unidentified group of African National Congress operatives had a hand in Hani's death.
To many, the book was closed on one of South Africa's most emotional chapters when Conservative Party politician Clive Derby-Lewis and Polish immigrant Janusz Waluz were sentenced to death for the April 10, 1993 murder.
But both have now applied for amnesty from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission -- the start, perhaps, of a new chapter that will look more closely at forces other than the small group of rightwingers that wanted Hani dead.
But that was not to be, for its goal was not impartiality and a brutal honest enquiry into all participants past atrocities, but –- perhaps ??? -- to suppress and censor certain participants atrocities, while highlighting opponents atrocities, so as to proclaim to the world the pre-determined outcome of ‘apartheid the crime against humanity’?
In the letter to the Chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Assessment of the Probable Results of Activities of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as perceived by Former Chiefs of the SADF IRO the SADF (PDF), and a separate complaint to the Public Protector, Complaints in Respect of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) Handling of the SADF (PDF), the Generals write, among others:Although we stand sympathetic towards the objectives of the TRC, as confirmed by the motion quoted above, we have serious reservations as to whether the TRC can make an optimum contribution towards reconciliation and national unity.
Our reservations are shared, amongst others, by the historian Hermann Giliomee in the Leader Page article in the Cape Times of 9 October 1997. "Writing as a historian, I have always felt that the greatest problem with the commission was not so much what it has set out to do, but its hopelessly skewed composition. Unlike Chile, where half the commissioners appointed to a similar body was roughly associated with the old regime and the other half with the new, the score in our case is roughly nine to one in favour of the anti - regime side".
Succinctly, they list eight complaints to the Public Protector:
One : An incorrect assumption when viewing the past as background for interpretation of events concerning the former SADF has been specifically displayed by the Vice Chairman of the TRC.
Two : The methodology to find the "truth" is based on a prejudgemental frame of mind which is biased to the disadvantage of former SADF members.
Three : The TRC's general approach to matters pertaining to the former SADF displays a "political vendetta" attitude.
Four : The TRC's manipulation of semantics displays deliberate bias and lack of impartiality.
Five : The TRC appears to be selectively searching for the "truth" to the detriment of the SADF.
Six : The TRC's disparate handling of the old SADF vis - a - vis other armed participants in the former struggle discloses blatant bias and lack of impartiality.
Seven : The TRC displayed obvious bias during the Forces Hearings in Cape Town held in October 1997.
Eight : The apparent witch hunt of the TRC on former SADF members is prejudicing the overall statutory aim of the TRC to promote "Reconciliation and National Unity" as prescribed by Act., No 34 of 1995 Section 3(1)(a).
Their complaint includes far greater evidentiary details. For example, under Complaint Eight, the Generals write:
Very little if any determination or desire in the TRC was observed with regard to atrocities by the ANC against their own comrades, despite the following investigations, reports and books :
[a.] The Stuart Commission's Report. Despite the report of the Stuart Commission by Herman Loots (alias James Stewart) after being appointed by the ANC's NEC to inquire into the Pongo mutiny among ANC combatants: "Some of those punished have been maimed for life and there have been deaths. The aim of the punishment seems to destroy, demoralise and humiliate comrades and not correct and build". He listed gruesome punishments and the "shocking corruption of fear" in the camps, listed the names of people who died as a result of these punishments and noted that others had committed suicide or had deserted. It added that the ANC/SAP security department had done things that would "shock our people against the movement". Although presented to Oliver Tambo, Alfred Nzo and others, the Stuart Commission Report sank without trace. This was apparently not the stuff the politicians behind the fighters wanted the world to know about.
[b.] The Douglas Commission's Report. Based on the evidence from some 100 witnesses and depositions from some 60, including some 40 survivors of ANC Camps in Angola, Uganda, Mozambique Tanzania and Zambia, it found that the cruelties amounted to a "litany of unbridled and sustained horror" This Senior Council from Durban mentioned various prominent SACP/ANC leaders as being directly or indirectly responsible for serious human rights abuses.
[c.] The Motsuenyane Commission. This Commission, the ANC's own, recommended that those responsible for the atrocities should be identified and banned from holding high positions of authority.
[d.] The Skweyiya Commission. The essence of this report given in Rapport of 7 December 1997 confirms what the other Commissions found in regard to the gross violation of human rights of former MK combatants. The dire implication of former ANC/MK leaders who have already been granted amnesty without public hearings, or disclosure of reasons is that the TRC is surely on a witch hunt for only former SADF members and is turning a blind eye to atrocities by the ANC/MK on their own followers.
[e.] Amnesty International. This London based human rights organisation followed the Motsuenyane investigation up with one of its own. It found that the ANC executed, tortured and illtreated prisoners in its camps over a period of at least twelve years. "Any MK fighter who dared question ANC policy or criticised living conditions in exile risked incarceration, torture, even death". It recommended that individual torturers should be identified "...to ensure that they hold no future position in the ANC or government apparatus".
[f.] The Book Called Mbokodo. This book, Inside MK by Mwezi, Twala, A Soldiers Story, confirms almost forgotten previous reports by the intelligence community at the time. This book and earlier intelligence reports imply participation by some of the present ANC leadership in such activities, with specific reference to alleged atrocities in the Quattro camp.
[g.] The Book Called Marching to Slavery: SA's Descent into Communism. This book by Dr Sipo E. Mzimala, a former high ranking ANC official, describes "the silence concerning the ANC punishment camps as deafening" He alleges that "these barbaric acts were committed by people who claim to be liberators".
[h.] The Denton Hearings. This report by Jeremiah Denton, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism of the Committee on the Judiciary, US Senate, states in the Letter of Transmittal: "I feel that a review and analysis of the material which has been compiled will be of substantial assistance to those who desire to have a fuller understanding of the part that the Soviet Union and its proxy states play in international terrorism and national liberation movements such as SWAPO and the ANC".
Only the obtuse or extremely prejudiced and biased would argue that Clive Derby-Lewis and Januzs Walus’ political motivated assassination of Chris Hani was not a politically motivated crime. So, why were they refused amnesty? Why were the Norgaaard principles not impartially applied?
Are Eugene de Kock, Clive Derby Lewis and Januzs Walus, the scapegoats of ‘Proudly South African’ ‘Truth and Reconciliation’ hypocrites?
In the preface to The Truth about the Truth Commission (PDF), by Anthea Jeffery, John Kane-Berman writes:“The [Truth and Reconciliation] commission also said that there could be no healing without truth, that half-truths and denial were no basis for building the new South Africa, that reconciliation based on falsehood would not last, and that selective recollection of past violence would easily provide the mobilisation for further conflict in the future. If these are its criteria for the role of truth in promoting reconciliation, it has failed to meet them.”
Please take notice that as of 00:00 hours on 05 October 2010, I shall be on a liquid only hungerstrike, in support of Truth and Forgiveness (Amnesty) for Eugene de Kock, Clive Derby-Lewis and Januzs Walus.
Radical Honesty – SA
P O Box 5042, George East, 6539
Cell: (071) 170 1954
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