Note to Readers:

Please Note: The editor of White Refugee blog is a member of the Ecology of Peace culture.

Summary of Ecology of Peace Problem Solving: The problems of poverty, unemployment, war, crime, violence, food shortages, food price increases, inflation, police brutality, political instability, loss of civil rights, vanishing species, garbage and pollution, urban sprawl, traffic jams, toxic waste, racism, sexism, Nazism, Islamism, feminism, Zionism etc; are the ecological overshoot consequences of humans living in accordance to a Masonic War is Peace international law social contract that provides humans the ‘right to breed and consume’ with total disregard for ecological carrying capacity limits.

Ecology of Peace factual reality: 1. Earth is not flat; 2. Resources are finite; 3. When humans breed or consume above ecological carrying capacity limits, it results in resource conflict; 4. If individuals, families, tribes, races, religions, and/or nations want to reduce class, racial and/or religious local, national and international resource war conflict; they should cooperate to implement an Ecology of Peace international law social contract that restricts all the worlds citizens to breed and consume below ecological carrying capacity limits; to sustainably protect and conserve natural resources.

EoP v WiP NWO negotiations are documented at MILED Clerk Notice.

Wednesday, January 27, 2010

The problem with South Africa: An Entitlement Culture of Corruption....




James Myburgh, Politicsweb
27 January 2010



ANC's cadre deployment policy was the “key reason for the collapse of local government”. “Deployed cadres are perceived to have crippled service delivery in many municipalities” the newspaper stated, noting that a culture of “patronage and nepotism” had become so rife in municipalities that they have become inaccessible and unaccountable.
[Helen Zille: The truth about cadre deployment]
[An Entitlement Culture of Corruption]

JOHANNESBURG -South Africa, as a country, is slowly sliding backwards. This is reflected in the poor state of services, the potholed roads, filthy rivers and pervasive corruption within the state. There would be hope for the future if school education was getting better, but the government matric results continue to be dismal.

If there is any progress at all, it is that these problems are now being recognized and acknowledged. However, knowing what to do about them - overwhelming as they are - is another matter. The good news, in a way, is that many of our problems have a common origin. The bad news is that unless it is identified and uprooted all the good intentions in the world will come to nought.

At the core of many of our problems today is the ethos that ‘transformation' has allowed to spread and take hold across our society.

Under Mbeki's leadership the ANC set about overturning the ‘racial imbalances' that were, it was claimed, a ‘legacy of colonialism and apartheid.' The analysis of the South African condition, on which the programme of transformation was based, drew heavily upon more generalised Leftist and African nationalist ideology of the 1960s and 1970s.

By the late 1990s nationalisation was no longer a viable option for the ANC. But many of the other policies adopted ran along the old lines. Power was centralised as the party sought to extend its influence through state, parastatal and civil society institutions. Equality would be achieved essentially by the party taking control of everything: from appointments in the civil service, parastatals and schools, to the allocation of tenders, and the granting of mining and prospecting licenses. They would then be reallocated from the privileged white minority to a deprived black majority.

In order to trace the effects of these polices it is necessary to understand the corrosive effects of discrimination, political patronage and the crushing of the merit system, particularly within the state.

The primary effect has been the misallocation and squandering of human capital. Some individuals have been over-promoted, or promoted too soon, many cadres deployed into positions despite lacking the requisite ability to do the work. Others, with precious technical expertise, have had to look outside the state, or the country, to realise their aspirations.

Racial discrimination in the labour market under apartheid had similar consequences. In 1964 the economist W.H. Hutt wrote that ‘civilised labour' restraints had, on the one hand, "forced the employment of unsuitable people in the protected fields" and, on the other, led to an "enormous waste of potential talent of the non-Whites."

Thus, during the Mbeki-era individuals with no aptitude for the job were elevated into high positions; while excellent candidates were excluded because they belonged to the wrong race, wrong union, wrong party or wrong faction. Such appointments and non-appointments have been hugely costly and often disastrous.

But the damage to society does not just stop at artificially generated skills shortages or the mismanagement and bad decision making of inappropriate appointees across all levels of the state.

The secondary effects need to be understood as well. Pervasive discrimination - whether of the racial or political kind - can, as Hutt observed, destroy the incentives for self-improvement and efficiency among both the beneficiaries and the victims. Why work hard and apply yourself if, whatever you do, you are going to be promoted anyway (or not at all)?

These policies can generate a deep sense of entitlement amongst those profiting from them, while breeding disaffection among all those excluded. They thus end up demoralising both classes -in the one sense of the word or the other.

In the early years of ANC rule it was white, mostly Afrikaans, functionaries who bore the brunt of discrimination in the state. But increasingly political patronage has squeezed out merit based opportunities of advancement for everyone. As one anonymous teacher, quoted in a govt report, complained: "Many educators in my school are not motivated to work. There are no incentives to motivate educators to work. The merit system stopped and salary progression was put on hold and as a result educators are doing the bare minimum that is required of them."

Finally, there are the tertiary effects of these policies. The ANC's appointment of cadres to all top positions, and the allocation of tenders to cronies, sets an example to broader society. It is political connectedness which is rewarded, not honesty, hard work, education and knowledge. In this way the attributes on which successful societies are built have become steadily devalued within broader society.

Just as open and competitive entry into the civil service will produce a positive effect on the general education of a country, a patronage and race-based system at the top is likely to undermine it. As Hutt noted of apartheid, the closing off of potential avenues for advancement, "may destroy the motive for investment in human capital." If there is little or no reward for doing so, it can become pointless for individuals "to devote their energies and limited incomes" to training and the acquisition of skills.

In a sense Julius Malema is the embodiment of our problem. From a young age his formidable talents were directed wholly towards politics, not to acquiring the sort of education on which productive economic activity depends. In turn his current power, and the great prosperity that seems to accrue to it, sends out a message to contemporary youth that his is an example to be emulated.

» » » » [Politicsweb (PDF)]




The Northcote-Trevelyan report

The reasoning & recommendations on which the British civil service was built

Stafford Northcote - Charles Trevelyan
21 September 2009



REPORT ON THE ORGANISATION OF THE PERMANENT CIVIL SERVICE, LONDON, 1854

ON THE ORGANISATION OF THE PERMANENT CIVIL SERVICE


We now proceed to comply with that part of our instructions which states that, in connection with the inquiries which we were directed to make into each particular office, it is highly necessary that the conditions which are common to all the public establishments, such as the preliminary testimonials of character and bodily health to be required from candidates for public employment, the examination into their intellectual attainments, and the regulation of the promotions should be carefully considered, so as to attain full security for the public that none but qualified persons will be appointed, and that they will afterwards have every practicable inducement to the active discharge of their duties.

It cannot be necessary to enter into any lengthened argument for the purpose of showing the high importance of the Permanent Civil Service of the country in the present day. The great and increasing accumulation of public business, and the consequent pressure upon the Government, need only to be alluded to; and the inconveniences which are inseparable from the frequent changes which take place in the responsible administration are matter of sufficient notoriety.

It may safely be asserted that, as matters now stand, the Government of the country could not be carried on without the aid of an efficient body of permanent officers, occupying a position duly subordinate to that of the Ministers who are directly responsible to the Crown and to Parliament, yet possessing sufficient independence, character, ability, and experience to be able to advise, assist, and, to some extent, influence, those who are from time to time set over them.

That the Permanent Civil Service, with all its defects, contributes to the proper discharge of the functions of Government, has been repeatedly admitted by those who have successively been responsible for the conduct of our affairs. AU, however, who have had occasion to examine its constitution with care, have felt that its organisation is far from perfect, and that its amendment is deserving of the most careful attention.

It would be natural to expect that so important a profession would attract into its ranks the ablest and the most ambitious, of the youth of the country; that the keenest emulation would prevail among those who had entered it; and that such as were endowed with superior qualifications would rapidly rise to distinction and public eminence. Such, however, is by no means the case. Admission into the Civil Service is indeed eagerly sought after, but it is for the unambitious, and the indolent or incapable, that it is chiefly desired.

» » » » [Excerpt: Politicsweb (PDF)]


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